AQUA-motion domain and metaphorization patterns in European Portuguese : AQUA-motion metaphor in AERO-motion and abstract domains

The AQUA-motion verbs – as studied by Majsak & Rahilina 2003 and 2007, Lander, Majsak & Rahilina [2005] 2008, 2012 and 2013, and Divjak & Lemmens 2007, and in European Portuguese (EP) by Batoréo, 2007, 2008, 2009; Batoréo et al., 2007; Casadinho, 2007 – allow typically metaphorical uses, which we postulate can be organized in patterns. Our study shows that in European Portuguese there are two metaphorization patterns to be observed: (i) AQUA-motion metaphor in AERO-motion domain and (ii) AQUA-motion metaphor in abstract domain (e.g. abundance, arts, politics, etc.). In the first case, where the target domain of the metaphorization is the air, in EP we navigate through a crowd or we float in a waltz, whereas in the second, where it is abstract, we swim in money or in blood, and politicians navigate at sea or face floating currency in finances. In the present paper we survey the EP verbs of AQUA-motion metaphors in non-elicited data from electronically available language corpora (cf. Linguateca). In some cases comparisons are made with typologically diferent languages (as, e.g. Polish, cf. Prokofjeva’s 2007, Batoréo 2009).

Ground, as well as the Manner in which the motion is executed or the Path it follows play a major role in the conceptualisation and linguistic coding of the Motion event.As a number of studies showed in recent decades (cf.Talmy, 1985, 2000and Newman 1997, 2000) languages may differ in a predictable way not only in grammar but also in lexicon, which means that the differences shown in their lexicon are not arbitrary (cf.Atkins & Fillmore 2001;Koch 2001;Filipovic & Jaszczolt 2012;Vulchanova & Van der Zee 2013).
In our studies the semantic field of Motion is examined in particular and its specific area of being in Motion in liquid medium -AQUA-motion domainis focused upon, following the theoretical background of a series of studies by Majsak & Rahilina 2003and 2007, Lander Majsak & Rahilina [2005] 2008, 2012 and 2013, and by Divjak & Lemmens, 2007.According to these studies developed in various typologically different languages, and confirmed for Portuguese (Batoréo 2007, 2008and Batoréo et al. 2007) In the present study we will first focus on the actualized revision of the literature of AQUA-motion domain (section 2) presenting: (i) 2.1.Motion events and Ground typology (section 2.1.),(ii) basic AQUAmotion typology (section 2.2.) (iii) AQUA-motion systems (section 2.3.), and (iv) extended version of basic AQUA-motion typology (section 2.4.).Section 3 will focus on metaphorization processes that origin in AQUA-motion domain and are projected onto (i) AERO-motion domain (section 3.1.),and (ii) different abstract domains (section 3.2.).At the end some conclusions will be presented in section 4.

Motion events and typologies
The notion of predictability of languages not only in grammar but also in lexicon was first defended for Motion events by Leonard Talmy by postulating lexicalization patterns (Talmy, 1985;cf. Batoréo 2000).Talmy's typological distinction between verbframed languages and satellite-framed languages shows that different languages organize their lexical architecture in different patterns, which is predictable and not arbitrary, and also structured.Thus verb-  (Talmy 1985(Talmy , 2000)).It should be noted that this distinction is pitched at a relatively high level of abstraction distinguishing as ground types air, earth and water […].Obviously, not all languages carve up the ground-space in this way: some may make no distinction at all, others may conflate two (e.g., air and water) and there may even be languages that impose more fine-grained distinctions.(DIVJAK & LEMMENS, 2007, p. 152).

The subcategorization of
What is extremely interesting in the proposal above in which the distinction of different types of

Basic AQUA-motion typology
Using relevant information on AQUA-motion expression in more than 40 languages from different typological families, Majsak andRahilina (2003, 2007) and Lander, Majsak and Rahilina ([2005]  All in all, we believe that the tripartition proposed here does have an objective nature.Rakhilina (2007) suggests that this distinction aptly manifests itself not only in the organization of aqua-system proper, but also in metaphorical extensions found for different kinds of verbs (different domains have different ranges of metaphorical extensions).Given this, the typology of aqua-motion systems offered in this paper may bring to light not only cross-linguistic similarities but also non-trivial regularities in the areas which earlier were thought to be largely unpredictable.Finally, the very principle of the cross-linguistic comparison of lexical systems based on the distinguishing between various (sub)domains seems to be promising and may become a useful tool for discovering the laws that govern lexical structures of languages.(LANDER et al. [2005(LANDER et al. [ ] 2008, p. 18-19) , p. 18-19) The SWIMMING domain is typically associated with self-propelled motion of an animate figure, which presupposes much control and agentivity, as in 'swim' and 'plunge', in English, and 'nadar' (swim), in Portuguese, as in the above exemple 'João atravessou o rio a nado/ a nadar/ nadando'.The most common use of 'nadar' can be interpreted as either directed or non-directed, and only specific contextualization will allow either clearly directionoriented interpretations or non-oriented ones.In the SWIMMING domain there can also be distinguished a sub-class of the "merge" verbs -in EP 'imergir' (immerse), 'emergir' (emerge), 'submergir' (submerge) -as in 'emergir da multidão' (come out/ emerge out of the crowd), both in literal and in metaphoric meaning, 'classe emergente' (an emergent class, referring to nouveau-riche people) or 'banho de imersão' (tub immersed bath as opposed to shower) The SAILING domain is typically associated with motion of vessels or people aboard, as in 'sail' and 'row', in English, which presupposes some agentivity, yet this is not always the agentivity of the On the other hand, the FLOATING domain reflects the situation of passive, uncontrolled and nonagentive movement in liquid, both within the liquid and on its surface, as in 'flow ' and 'drift', in English, and 'flutuar', 'boiar', 'andar à deriva', in  Signo [ISSN 1982[ISSN -2014]] In comparison with other AQUA-motion systems, the European Portuguese AQUA-motion lexicon (cf.Batoréo 2007, Batoréo et al. 2007, Majsak 2007) is richer than in the middle systems but not as complex as the Indonesian rich system described above.European Portuguese AQUA-motion verbs can be easily classified into three main groups, as shown above, but then richly specified only in some of them, as in the SAILING domain, due to Portuguese cultural and historic sea tradition.

Extended AQUA-motion typology
On the basis of the study of AQUA-motion verbs in Dutch (Divjak & Lemmens, 2007) the authors proposed an extension of the basic typology defended by Majsak andRahilina (2003, 2007)   (1) (a) (Pl) 'Pani K. płynęła w walcu.'Mrs. K. swam/ was swimming in a waltz.

It is interesting to observe that in European
Portuguese different AQUA-motion verbs show different degrees of metaphorization.Thus, in the EP AQUA-motion corpus gathered from Linguateca (cf.Batoréo et al. 2007;Casadinho 2007)  that are frequently used in everyday language.They also depend on sociolinguistic characteristics of the speaking community, its history and tradition (for example, having or not a historic sailing tradition).

AERO-motion metaphors
In The first AERO-motion pattern refers to smooth movement, gliding or flowing in the air and in space.
Nuclear verbs from all the three types of AQUAmotion domain are used (exemples 3 -5).

Conclusions
The aim of the present study was to focus on AQUA-motion metaphorical projection onto (i) AERO- , the basic parameters within the AQUA-motion domain are of a conceptual and semantic character envolving: Motion can be suggested, focusing on the presence per se of Motion or Location: (i) translational Motion, where an object's basic location shifts from one point to another in space, (ii) self-contained Motion, as in oscillation, rotation, expansion, and local wander, and (iii) stationary Motion, as in the case of location verbs (cf.Talmy 2000, II: 35).Within the range of Motion (and mostly translational Motion) three basic domains can be distinguished (cf.Divjak & Lemmens, 2007) on the basis of the types of Ground: (i) AQUA-motion with respect to water (or, by extension, to liquids in general) as in verbs swim, sail or float, (ii) AEROmotion, with respect to air, as in fly or hover, and (iii) TERRA-motion with respect to earth, as in walk, crawl or drive.

Figure .
Figure.In Portuguese we have the main verb 'navegar' (navigate) form: 'nave' (vessel), but also many other highly motivated terms as in 'velejar'/ 'andar à vela'/ 'fazer vela', from: 'vela' (sail)), 'marear' from: 'mar' (sea), 'fazer surf'/ 'surfar' (to surf), 'remar' (to row), and 'vogar', 'singrar' (to sail).It is curious to observe (cf.Batoréo et al. 2007) that in EP we have verbs and (nearly) synonymous verbal periphrastic Portuguese: 'Os peixes/ os corpos mortos flutuam/ boiam no rio' (Fish/ corpses float in the river).While in many contexts 'flutuar' and 'boiar' seem to be synonymous and easily interchanged, there are some conceptual restrictions that differentiate them: while 'boiar' implies movement on the surface of the water, 'flutuar' has larger scope, implying the movement both on the suface and within the liquid itself, the Figure being submerged, which 'boiar' does not allow, implying the situation of containment.So in the case of 'o bebé flutua no ventre materno' (the baby floats in his/ her mother's womb) we can only use the verb 'flutuar' and not 'boiar', as the movement referred to is within the liquid and not on its surface.When drifting is referred to, an analytical expression 'ficar à deriva' (to stayBatoréo, H. J. almost any smooth movement, gliding or flowing in the air or in an abstract Ground, describing the smooth motion of clouds or airplanes in the sky, the flow of a crowd of people in the street, of a couple dancing or of music across a ballroom, and even the flow of the course of currency (cf.Batoréo 2009, for Polish).In translation this general AQUA-motion verb of a poor system can be rendered by different AQUA-motion verbs from SWIMMING, FLOATING or SAILING domains (exs. 1 a and b; 2 a and b below) both in Portuguese and in English.
we analyzed nearly seven thousand usage occurences of AQUAmotion verbs, and separated almost 6700 occurrences of the nuclear verbs of SWIMMING, SAILING and FLOATING domains: 3260 occurrences (49%) of 'nadar' (swim), 2551 (38 %) of 'navegar' (sail) and 887 (13 %) of 'flutuar' (float).Only approximately four per cent of the remaining occurences refer to other non-nuclear verbs, as, for instance, 'singrar' (sail) (151 contexts found) or 'marear' (sail) (35 occurrences)our language-in-use corpus sample with nearly half of all the occurrences, it happens to be the least metaphorized, with only five per cent (159 occurrences) of metaphoric usages.On the other hand, the least representative of the three nuclear verbs 'flutuar' (float) with less than one thousand occurences, shows the highest degree of metaphorization with nearly sixty eight percent of metaphors (584 occurrences).The verb 'navegar' (sail) also fairly representative in our corpus shows only one third of metaphorizations (842 occurences).In the least frequent group, two verbs from the SAILING domain show different degrees of metaphorization: 'singrar'(sail) is highly metaphorical (with more than ninety per cent of metaphorical uses), whereas 'marear' (sail) shows only six per cent of metaphors used in the corpus.The quantitative results presented above show that the distribution of verbs in AQUA-motion domains, on one hand, and metaphoric uses observed in each verb, on the other, are not closely related and are not easy to forsee, as they depend on different factors related either to aspects of language usage (such as, for example, lexicalization patterns or fixedness of constructions), and also cultural ones, such as proverbs and other culturally vehicled texts (like poems, song lyrics, slogans and advertisments) the case of AERO-motion metaphors we can distinguish four different patterns of projection of AQUA-motion domain onto Motion in the air.In what follows we present typical examples of each one of the metaphorization patterns, some being reinforced by an original occurrence with an extension code from the Linguateca corpus in an (a) line (and subsequent ones) (cf.exemples 3 -12 below).
The third pattern refers to a Figure that is unstable, i.e., not fixed in relation to some other Ground, and the verb used is 'flutuar' (float) (example 9).(9) 'Chão/ pavimento/ revestimento/ soalho flutuante'.Walking floor, not nailed and less durable.The forth pattern is used in FLOW domain contexts.As mentioned in section 2, in the FLOW domain Portuguese does not use prototipically any AQUA-motion verbs (cf.Batoréo 2009) but it rather chooses 'correr' (to run) or its derivated forms -'escorrer' (to run off, to wash away) and 'decorrer' (to take place, happen)interchanging them sometimes with 'flutuar' (float), 'navegar' (sail) or some general motion verbs such as 'andar' (go, walk), 'passar' (pass) or deictic 'ir' (go) and 'vir' (come).The metaphors used in this case have to do with movement in the air of Figure represented for example by clouds, perfume or a great amount of people (examples 10 -12).
motion and (ii) abstract domains, showing evidence from EP language-in-usage.Very regular wellstructured metaphorical processes were confirmed in contexts centered on AQUA-motion prototypical verbs 'nadar' (swim), 'navegar' (navigate) and 'flutuar' (float) expressing smooth movement of gliding or flowing where the Ground is no longer of a liquid type, referring either to (i) AERO-motion, i.e., to physical movement in the air/space or (ii) to different abstract domains, such as social life, politics, financial activity, art, expression of time, etc., where the originally liquid Motion is mapped onto non-physical domains.The present paper was organized in four sections: in section 1 we introduced the study; in section 2 we actualized the revision of the literature of AQUA-motion domain presenting: (i) Motion events and Ground typology, (ii) basic AQUA-motion typology, (iii) AQUA-motion systems, and (iv) extended version of basic AQUA-motion typology; in section 3 we focused on metaphorization processes that originate in the AQUA-motion domain and are projected either onto the AERO-motion domain or onto different abstract domains; finally in section 4 we presented the results of the study and some conclusions.The main focus of our study was centered on the patterns observed in contexts of metaphorization of AQUA-motion domain.The quantitative results presented from our language-in-use sample gathered in Linguateca show that either verb distribution in AQUA-motion domain or metaphoric uses observed in the case of each verb studied (both nuclear and peripheric) are not closely related and are not easy to forsee.They depend on different facts, both linguistic and non-linguistic, related to (i) aspects of pragmatic language usage (such as lexicalization patterns, fixedness of constructions, and so on), and also (ii) cultural ones, based on culturally vehicled texts (like poems, song lyrics, slogans and advertisments) that are frequently used in everyday language, as well as (iii) sociolinguistic characteristics of the speaking community, its history and tradition.The AQUA-motion metaphors observed in our language-in-use corpus can be devided in two basic groups: the AERO-motion domain (presented in section 3.1.),and different abstract domains (presented in section 3.2.), each of them showing patterns of metaphorization.There were six patterns observed altogether; some of them were the same in both groups, such as (i) abundance, (ii) lack of stability, and (iii) the FLOW domain pattern.In the case of AERO-motion metaphor (iv) the pattern of smooth movement, gliding or flowing in the air was also presented.On the other hand, in the case of abstract metaphors two more patterns were observed:(v) moving skillfully in order to avoid ignorance, and (vi) threading one's way through some substance.What our study also shows is that the typology based on different types of Ground (cf.Divjak & Lemmens 2007) can lead to actual usage of different types of verbs that express Manner (such as 'navegar', 'velejar', 'singrar'), even in verb-framed languages like Portuguese, that prototypicallyaccording to the Talmyan theory(Talmy 1985(Talmy , 2000) ) are expected to frame the Path in the verb, leaving Manner or Cause to be optionally expressed in a satellite.The present study gives language-in-use evidence that Portuguese, a verb-framed language, uses many verbs that conflate Motion and Mannera strategy typical of satellite-framed languagesand does it in a predictable and structured way, a hypothesis that we would like to develop in the future.Crossing and exploring different typologies may give us more insight about what we can consider real "lexicalization patterns" that structure Portuguese.

Middle, rich and poor AQUA-motion systems
. Santa Cruz do Sul, v. 41, n. 70, p. 88-100, jan./jun.2016.http://online.unisc.br/seer/index.php/signoadrift) is used, both literally and metaphorically:According to the studies of AQUA-motion domain (cf.Majsak & Rahilina 2007), languages can generally be divided into middle, rich and poor AQUAmotion systems.A system is characterized as middle if it distinguishes between the three types of AQUAmotion verbs as discussed in section (2.2.) but does not display any additional opositions, which is for example the case of Persian, Tamil and Maninka.On the other hand, there are languages whose AQUAmotion lexicon is significantly distinct and much more complex and rich than the middle ones, as happens in standard Indonesian.According to the same authors, Indonesian AQUA-motion verbs can easily be classified into three main groups that correspond to the main domains but then are richly specified.In the Indonesian SWIMMING domain there is a neutral verb corresponding to 'swim' and a specific one meaning 'plunge', 'swim under the water', etc.In the Indonesian SAILING domain there is a neutral verb corresponing to 'sail', and then some means-specified ones ('sail on a ship', 'sail on a boat', 'sail on a raft', 'row'), and place-specified ones ('go in a lake', 'go seaward' or 'go in a channel').In the Indonesian FLOATING domain there is a possibility of strong dynamicity ('flow with the current') and semidynamicity ('float', 'drift about (on water)', 'swing to and fro', and so on).On the other hand, in a poor AQUA-motion system the distinction between the three types of verbs is obscured, made peripheral or neutralized, which is the situation observed in many Slavic languages (e.g.